Michel Chossudovsky and Finian Cunningham
THE IRAQ WAR READER
Michel Chossudovsky and Finian Cunningham (Editors)
May 2012
Al Zarqawi, alleged Al Qaeda in Iraq Leader, US "intelligence asset"
Theology Professor Ali Shalal, "The Man behind the Hood"
For further details on the Global War agenda, see:
This is a thoroughly criminal process involving international aggression, crimes against humanity, and plunder and theft of sovereign resources. Iraq’s estimated hydrocarbon reserves of 112-115 billion barrels of oil – the earth’s second-largest known reserves after Saudi Arabia’s – were the main prize, incredibly downplayed or overlooked by the Western mainstream media. Having previously enjoyed a high standard of living, the majority of Iraq’s people are now struggling in poverty with power and fuel shortages, while Western oil giants Exxon, Chevron, British Petroleum and Total are tapping the country’s vast natural wealth, paying off local elites for the privilege.
THE IRAQ WAR READER
A History of War Crimes and Genocide
The Unleashing of America’s New Global Militarism
Michel Chossudovsky and Finian Cunningham (Editors)
May 2012
INTRODUCTION
The adage that “it is the victors who write history” in matters relating particularly to war and conflict is something of a euphemism when applied to recent military campaigns conducted by America and its NATO allies. For what is disputable – no, let us say repugnant – about the official accounts of these events is not merely a difference in emphasis or nuance on the matter, which the adage may infer. It is rather that the victors’ version of history is a wholesale fabrication, an obscene travesty of actual events. It is not a case of victors writing history, more one of victors “violating history”.
The adage that “it is the victors who write history” in matters relating particularly to war and conflict is something of a euphemism when applied to recent military campaigns conducted by America and its NATO allies. For what is disputable – no, let us say repugnant – about the official accounts of these events is not merely a difference in emphasis or nuance on the matter, which the adage may infer. It is rather that the victors’ version of history is a wholesale fabrication, an obscene travesty of actual events. It is not a case of victors writing history, more one of victors “violating history”.
Iraq,
Afghanistan, Libya, and what is unfolding covertly in Syria and Iran
stand out as egregious examples of how the dominant Western powers are
not just writing history with a certain self-reflecting vainglorious
bias. They are instead concocting events in such a way as to completely
distort the facts of history. It is fair to say that in many ways what
is taking place is an inversion of realities and language.
“Peace-keeping”
really means “war-making”; “protecting human rights” really means
“bombing civilian centers”; “upholding international law” really means
“committing crimes against humanity”. Accusations of “tyrants”,
“miscreants”, “rogues” and “renegades” are hurled likes bricks in a
glasshouse by perpetrators who arrogate the privilege to call themselves
“civilized, democratic, law-abiding governments”. What needs to be
contested, therefore, is not some kind of half-baked history, pitted
here and there with flaws and hubris, but rather what needs to be
challenged is out-and-out willful propaganda purporting as history.
In this new Interactive Book No 5, Iraq: A History of War Crimes and Genocide,
we show how the policy of successive US governments and their Western
allies towards Iraq illustrates this grand criminal deception; we also
show how such unaccounted-for gargantuan crimes against humanity have
not just decimated the social conditions for millions of Iraqis, but
have also poisoned international law and are having far-reaching impacts
on the democratic rights of citizens globally. We contend that it is
not just imperative to bring Western political and military leaders to
account through legal prosecutions for the purpose of restitution for
the people of Iraq; it is imperative that we do so for the sake of
ending an ongoing global war agenda conducted by these same Western
powers, and for the restitution of democratic rights for all citizens in
all countries.
The
devastation of Iraq and the unfettered aggression by Western capitalist
powers towards other countries is very much an integral part of the
unfolding devastation of social conditions in North America and Europe
under the diktat of a class war by a global elite. Understanding what
really happened in Iraq, and why, is a vital part of understanding how
and why the mass of people need to fight for democracy in the US, Europe
and elsewhere. These far-reaching issues including an examination of
the evolving Orwellian Police State apparatus in Western countries will
be the object of a separate forthcoming I-Book.
Concealing Genocide As War
Take
the most basic of words used in common parlance with reference to
modern Iraq – the “Iraq War”. The word “war” normally refers to combat
between two comparable adversaries contesting over competing claims. But
in the case of Iraq that country was invaded without provocation on the
basis of knowingly falsified allegations by an overwhelmingly superior
military machine – a multiple war crime. The “shock and awe” aerial
bombardment that proceeded against a civilian population is another
multiple war crime. The US-led NATO military campaign from 2003 until
2012 in which at least 1,000,000 Iraqi civilians, men, women and
children, were killed compared with 4,500 US troops cannot be referred
to in any meaningful way as a “war”. To do so is to employ an obscene
Orwellian euphemism to describe what really happened – that is,
genocide.
However,
search the annals of Western mainstream media and no such simple truths
can be found. Reams of newspaper copy and video footage refer endlessly
to the Iraq War and they reiterate, with gullible respect, the
disingenuous premises pronounced by Western governments and military,
thus giving the whole nefarious enterprise a veneer of legitimacy and
credibility. At the furthest range of criticism in such media, we might
read about how the “Iraq War” was “misplaced”, a “waste” or a “tragedy”.
But we will not read that it was genocide perpetrated by war criminals
in Washington, London or other Western capitals based on conscious lies
and willful fabrications. Truth is censored.
In
this new Interactive Book we draw on Global Research’s extensive
archive to give an accurate account of the origins of the invasion and
genocidal occupation. The US-led criminal aggression towards Iraq
involves four US presidents: George Herbert Walker Bush Senior, William
Jefferson Clinton, George W Bush Junior and Barack Hussein Obama over
more than two decades. We examine how a once-staunch Western client
state became an object for obliteration.
The
latter phase of American aggression conducted during more than nine
years of US-led NATO occupation involved the most heinous crimes against
humanity in a no-holds-barred effort to crush an ancient civilization.
This Interactive Book looks at the aftermath of such barbarity and
lawlessness, not just for Iraqis and ordinary Americans, but for the
Middle East region and beyond.
Our
bias is to expose official Western claims and accounts of what happened
in Iraq, how and why, with uncompromising criticism. Our bias is to
record the experiences and suffering of people in the real world, not
what governments and military officials purport to have taken place. We
are confident that our analysis presents the real story of Iraq, not
only what happened and why, but its far-reaching wider significance for
international relations. Today’s increasingly militarist foreign policy
of the US, its NATO allies and proxy states across the Middle East,
Central Asia and Africa can be traced to the awful precedent that is
Iraq.
Australian
author and media commentator John Pilger once noted that journalists
could be thought of as being tasked with writing the “first draft of
history”. Their reports and analyses of events will one day provide
research material for historians. This has rather disturbing
implications for future retrospective historical accounts of Iraq. That
is because the prominent newspapers of North America and Europe and
other mainstream media have, by and large, amply recorded verbatim the
official narratives on Iraq that emanate from their governments. In
other words, when future historians of modern Iraq draw on the archives
in the likes of The New York Times, The Financial Times and Le Monde, they will be drawing on a first draft of history that is falsified, propagandized, and indeed calumnious.
Fortunately,
the burgeoning of independent media over the past decade has afforded
an alternative account of history on Iraq, versions that arguably accord
more accurately with actual events. We at Global Research proudly
present this volume of wide-ranging articles on Iraq as an antidote of
truth to the “victors’ history”.
Structure of this I-Book
The Iraq War Reader is the fifth in a new series of Interactive Books from Global Research. In Iraq: A History of War Crimes and Genocide, we
have selected over 60 articles from hundreds in our 10-year-old archive
that cover the background, prosecution and aftermath of the US-led
aggression in Iraq. We have also included a review of key intelligence
and policy documents, estimates of mortality resulting from the US led
occupation (Lancet Report), key videos, photographic evidence and
scientific reports pertaining to war crimes.
The
book is structured in Ten Parts, these together with highlighted
chapters include an analysis of the historical background of the 1991
Gulf War, the atrocities committed during the "sanctions regime"
(1991-2003), the extensive crimes committed against the Iraqi people
during nine years of military occupation. The latter include the carpet
bombing of urban areas, the planned devastation of the Iraqi economy
including the confiscation of the country's extensive oil reserves, the
programmed demise of State institutions including public health and
education, the targeted and systematic assassination of the country's
scientists, engineers and intellectuals, the ruin of Iraq's research and
academic institutions, the pillage and theft of Iraq's archeological
heritage.
The
unspoken agenda was to destroy Iraq as a Nation State, establish a US
proxy regime and, quite deliberately, impoverish the people of Iraq
under the banner of "democratization" and "post-war reconstruction".
The
book also addresses the Pentagon's propaganda campaign, its various PR
Psy Ops, which portray Iraq, in the eyes of Western public opinion, as
an outright evil "rogue state" supportive of Osama bin Laden, the
bogeyman and alleged mastermind behind the 9/11 attacks.
Fiction becomes Truth. "Evil folks are lurking". Al
Qaeda's leader Osama bin Laden is supported by Iraq's President Saddam
Hussein. Iraq is portrayed as a "State sponsor of terrorism". WMD
and Al Qaeda related concepts and images are routinely funnelled into
the Western news chain and on network TV, with a view to affecting the
human mindset of millions of people.
War becomes
peace. The threat of WMD by the avowed enemies of the Western World,
repeated ad nauseam, is intended to create confusion, namely to prevent
people from comprehending the "real outside World" of war, politics and
the economic crisis.
This
Iraq War Reader also reveals the sinister machinations of British Prime
Minister Tony Blair's inner political circle to churn out fake yet
"reliable" intelligence documents on Iraq's WMD program.
These
fake intelligence dossiers are then candidly presented by US Secretary
of State Colin Powell to the UN Security Council (February 2003) as a
means to acquiring the UN "green light" for an invasion of Iraq.
Part I is entitled Historical Background: Regional Hegemony and The Battle for Oil. As brought out in Felicity
Arbuthnot's essay, the systematic campaign of US-NATO aggression
towards Iraq involved the participation of no less than four White House
oresidents and five British prime ministers over a 21-year span. In a
wide-ranging historical essay, Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya shows how the
conquest of Iraq was a key part of a long-term roadmap for Washington’s
hegemony in the oil-rich Middle East region.
Professor
Eric Waddell's 2002 geopolitical essay brings to the forefront the
"real intent" of the US led war on Iraq, namely the Battle for Oil. According to Waddell:
"What is ultimately at stake in Iraq is the intention on the part of
the U.S. and its indefectible British ally to establish control over one
of the world's largest, cheapest and most easily accessible oil
reserves."
Part II: Atrocities of the Gulf War and the Sanctions Regime (1991-2003) includes two important essays, Joyce Chediac's analysis of the Massacre of Withdrawing Iraqi Soldiers on "The Highway of Death"
and Professor Thomas Nagy's award winning 2002 investigation on how the
US deliberately destroyed Iraq's Water Supply. Confirmed by documents
of the US Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), "the U.S. government
intentionally used sanctions against Iraq to degrade the country's water
supply after the Gulf War. The United States knew the cost that
civilian Iraqis, mostly children, would pay, and it went ahead anyway."
Part III on The Pretext to Wage War
brings forth the issue of the fake intelligence documents used to
justify the invasion, with contributions by professors Michel
Chossudovsky and Glen Rangwala.
Part IV From "Shock and Awe" to Occupation and Resistance focusses on the contours of what author Chris Floyd calls The Anglo-American Dirty War.
Part V on
the Role of the United Nations includes the contribution of former
Assistant Secretary General Denis Halliday, focussing on how the United
Nations, in the wake of the invasion, paid lip service to the illegal
occupation of Iraq in blatant violation of international law and the
United Nations Charter.
Part VI, with contributions by Michel Chossudovsky, Max Fuller and Ghali Hassan, focusses on the heinous
legacy of the clandestine unleashing of sectarian death squads by
America and Britain on the populace, which served to divide and rule and
also to justify the illegal occupation of a sovereign country.
Modelled on US covert ops in Central America, the
Pentagon's "Salvador Option for Iraq" was carried out under the helm of
the US Ambassador to Iraq John Negroponte (2004-2005), who served as US
ambassador to Honduras in the early 1980s.
This
"terrorist model" of mass killings by US sponsored death squads had
been applied in El Salvador, in the heyday of resistance against the
military dictatorship, resulting in an estimated 75,000 deaths.
The “Salvador Option in Iraq” consisted in the use of death squads "to fight against the rebels", namely the Iraqi resistance.
The “Salvador Option in Iraq” consisted in the use of death squads "to fight against the rebels", namely the Iraqi resistance.
In
2011, "The Salvador Option: was applied in Syria. The US Ambassador to
Syria (appointed in January 2011), Robert Stephen Ford was part of
Negroponte's team at the US Embassy in Baghdad (2004-2005).
Civilian
casualties in Iraq were triggered by daily terrorist attacks and
suicide bombings of a sectarian nature. The media in chorus presented
"Al Qaeda in Iraq" headed by (the late) Abu Musab Al Zarqawi as
responsible for the suicide bombings, without acknowledging that Al
Qaeda was a creation of the US intelligence apparatus. In
Iraq, Al Zarqawi was described as the bogeyman, intent upon "igniting a
civil war between Sunnis and Shiites". But is that not precisely what
US intelligence was aiming at ( "divide and rule") as confirmed by
several analysts of the US led war? Pitting one group against the other
with a view to weakening and destroying the resistance movement.
Moreover,
the evidence confirms that US and allied special forces, including
British SAS (disguised as "Arab terrorists") were directly involved in
the staging of the terror events. (See British "Undercover Soldiers"
Caught driving Booby Trapped Car "They refused to say what their mission
was." - by Michel Chossudovsky )
John Negroponte, architect of "the Salvador Option in Iraq", US Ambassador to Iraq (2004-2005)
US–sponsored death squads carrying out their brutal work in El Salvador
Al Zarqawi, alleged Al Qaeda in Iraq Leader, US "intelligence asset"
Part VII of the Iraq War Reader exposes
the complicity of the Western mainstream media in covering up the
appalling onslaught of violence against the Iraqi people, from the
initial carpet bombing of the country through the following nine years
of murderous occupation.
Part VIII entitled War Crimes: The Evidence provides
an detailed dossier of evidence and analysis of crimes against humanity
including the testimonies of key witnesses and victims of US sponsored
war crimes.
This
body of evidence and opinion, as outlined by Professor Francis Boyle,
Prosecutor in The Kuala War Crimes Tribunal, makes the case that past
and present American and British political leaders are liable to stand
trial for war crimes in Iraq.
From
the outset to its ongoing repercussions, this was a war of aggression
comparable to Nuremburg standards. And political and military chiefs
should be held accountable as a matter of legal and moral principle. The
detailed research of Dirk Adriaensens and Bie Kentane of the BRussells
Tribunal, Dahr Jamail, Abdu Rahman, Professor Alfred McCoy, Tom Burghardt, the
sworn testimony of Professor Ali Shalal, "The Man Behind the Hood"
tortured at Abu Ghraib prison, provide ample evidence of the extensive
war crimes committed in the name of the "international Community" by
president George W. Bush and his indefectible British cohort, Prime
Minister Anthony Blair.
Theology Professor Ali Shalal, "The Man behind the Hood"
Finian
Cunningham recalls one of many war crimes, the Haditha massacre in 2005
in which 24 civilians, including women and children, were slaughtered
in cold blood by US troops. Not one of the soldiers or their commanders
involved in this barbaric crime was convicted, as with countless other
such crimes in Iraq and elsewhere. Yet in the same week that the Haditha
massacre trial in the US closed without a single conviction,
Commander-in-Chief Barack Obama had only glowing praise for the heroism
of American troops in Iraq in his 2012 State of the Union address.
The extensive dossier on war crimes in Part VIII also includes the results of the Lancet Study
on post-invasion mortality, the essay by Professor Souad N. Al-Azzawi
on depleted uranium contamination. Several important videos in Global
Research's archives can also be consulted including the controversial Cockpit Video on the Strafing of Civilians in Fallujah.
Part IX entitled The Criminalization of War. Prosecuting the War Criminals includes essays by Richard Falk, Francis Boyle and Finian Cunningham as well as video interviews with Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, Gurdial Ninjar Singh, Denis Halliday and Michel Chossudovsky.
In Part X entitled The Aftermath: The Destruction of Iraqi Society, Felicity
Arbuthnot, Hugh Gusterson, Jack A. Smith and former UN Assistant
Secretary General Hans von Sponeck provide the reader a harrowing
glimpse of the scale of destruction in Iraq by the US, Britain and other
NATO powers.
An
ancient civilization with its proud traditions in education and culture
has been bombed and brutalized with irreparable losses. What we need to
understand urgently is that the barbarism inflicted on Iraq continues
to be unleashed by the US-led powers in their ongoing campaign of
permanent war for global dominance. As Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya points
out in cogent analyses: the
US has rewritten the constitution of vanquished nations including Iraq
and Afghanistan as part of Washington’s empire-building project.
Unleashing America’s Global Conquest
Crucial
to understanding the full impact of the US-led war of aggression on
Iraq is the concomitant erosion of civil liberties in America and
Europe. The crimes committed in Iraq have ironically served to amplify
the spurious “war on terror”. This has in turn rebounded in multiple
insidious ways to increase state security powers against citizens and to
justify the creation of virtual police states that can spy, detain and
assassinate citizens on the basis of secret executive orders. The war on
Iraq and Afghanistan have led to the massive expansion in state powers
for surveillance against citizens and anti-war protesters in particular,
with far-reaching implications for democracy. Incipient fascism has now
become the de facto form of government in supposed Western
democracies. The criminalization of resistance in Iraq to illegal
occupation goes hand-in-glove with the criminalization of resistance in
the US and Europe to war-making.
When
US President Barack Obama made an electioneering visit to Afghanistan
in May 2012, he declared with typical purple prose: “This time of war
began in Afghanistan, and this is where it will end…We have travelled
through more than a decade under the dark cloud of war. In the pre-dawn
darkness of Afghanistan, we can see the light of a new day on the
horizon.”
Obama
asserted: “The Iraq War is over… We have a clear path to fulfill our
mission in Afghanistan”. In this way, the US Commander-in-Chief was
stealthily taking credit for ending “a decade of war” as if he had
fulfilled in good order his 2008 presidential campaign promises to end
America’s foreign wars. He went on to mendaciously conflate these
military campaigns as parts of a noble agenda of “War on Terror”.
Nothing
could be further from the truth. For a start, the presumptive “peace
president” had cynically reneged on pledges to the war-sickened American
electorate to promptly withdraw troops upon his election. Obama has in
office overseen a dramatic escalation in the American ruling class’s
militarism at home and abroad, as well as arrogating executive powers to
spy, detain and assassinate citizens and non-citizens alike solely on
his command and secret information.
The
long-delayed dates marking official troop withdrawal from Iraq and
Afghanistan belie the fact that both countries will continue to host
thousands of American military, Special Forces, secret service agents
and private mercenaries for many years to come.
Merely
declaring a “war over” does not mean that it is over. Iraq is all too
painfully a case in point. The bulk of the US military forces may have
departed from Iraq in December 2011, but in terms of daily violence,
deprivation, suffering and trauma, the people of Iraq are still very
much wracked by foreign aggression. After nine years of occupation, Iraq
is not “sovereign, stable and self-reliant” – as Obama claimed on the
eve of troop withdrawal.
Daily
bombings and shootings claiming hundreds of lives every month mark a
country that is riven with bitter sectarian conflicts – conflicts that
were cynically inflamed by the NATO occupying forces as a means of
subduing the resistance to an illegal occupation. Simmering hostilities
between Shia, Sunni and Kurdish provinces threaten to explode into
all-out civil war and fragmentation of Iraq.
Infrastructure
and basic utilities have been destroyed by years of NATO aerial
bombardment and previous years of crippling economic sanctions. Millions
of families remain homeless and displaced. One in three Iraqi children
have been made orphans. Unemployment, poverty and malnutrition are
rampant.
The
same prognosis of violence and misery can be made for Libya and
Afghanistan when US-led NATO forces are due to withdraw from the latter
country in 2014 – bequeathing again a shadow army of militias, military
trainers, contractors and Special Forces amid a country reduced to
rumble.
A Harbinger of Wars of Aggression Without End
What
we are witnessing is not presumed episodic war, with a discrete
beginning and end, for some noble purpose, as claimed. But rather, we
are witnessing the violent conquest of sovereign countries by Washington
and its Western allies, the installation of pliable corrupt regimes
that serve Western interests, and the ongoing low-level military
occupation of these countries to ensure subjugated status. Iraq is a
harbinger of the new militarism – wars of aggression without end in
which devastation in targeted countries becomes the status quo. The same
nefarious process can be seen for Afghanistan, Libya and any other
country – currently Syria and Iran – that befalls the imperialist
attentions of the US-led Western powers.
For further details on the Global War agenda, see:
- by Michel Chossudovsky, Finian Cunningham - 2012-07-14
| |
The Pentagon’s
global military design is one of world conquest. The military deployment
of US-NATO forces is occurring in several regions of the world
simultaneously.
| |
|
This is a thoroughly criminal process involving international aggression, crimes against humanity, and plunder and theft of sovereign resources. Iraq’s estimated hydrocarbon reserves of 112-115 billion barrels of oil – the earth’s second-largest known reserves after Saudi Arabia’s – were the main prize, incredibly downplayed or overlooked by the Western mainstream media. Having previously enjoyed a high standard of living, the majority of Iraq’s people are now struggling in poverty with power and fuel shortages, while Western oil giants Exxon, Chevron, British Petroleum and Total are tapping the country’s vast natural wealth, paying off local elites for the privilege.
The
same agenda of hegemony over energy resources applies to Afghanistan,
Libya and Iran. Syria is not a leading oil producer, but it is a crucial
staging post towards Western regime change in oil-abundant Iran. This
dynamic for rolling conquest will not stop with these countries. Recall
that former US General Wesley Clark disclosed a Pentagon war plan from
2001 that included the above and additional countries for conquest –
Lebanon, Sudan and Somalia. In effect, this is a global war agenda that
the US-led capitalist powers are inextricably pursuing in line with
their deteriorating economic status. The desperate drive for control by
the US and other Western powers over the oil and gas lifeblood of the
waning capitalist world economy will inevitably bring these powers into
confrontation with other countries, Russia and China in particular. The
seeming insanity of this seemingly wanton global militarism is dictated
by the cold logic of capitalism. Understanding this underlying driving
force is key to understanding, and ultimately challenging, American-led
global militarism.
Such
naked imperialism cannot be conducted openly in the eyes of the world;
it has to be covered up with a wall of lies, the particular lie or
pretext to be emphasised at any given time depending on the target
country in question.
Iraq
possessed “weapons of mass destruction that could be launched within 45
seconds” we were told by American and British leaders George W Bush and
Anthony Blair, who based their claims on concocted fantasy.
Indicted War Criminals George W. Bush and Tony Blair
Iraq
was also linked to Al Qaeda, the murky global terror network created by
the CIA and MI6 that allegedly carried out the 9/11 attacks on New York
and Washington. When that lie wore thin, we were then told that Iraqis
needed to be liberated from a Hitler-like dictator Saddam Hussein, who
notwithstanding was formerly a favoured Western client until he
blundered over the boundaries of Western oil geopolitics. Latterly,
after these pretexts could no longer be sustained, Bush’s successor
Barack Obama would assure the public that the American-led occupying
forces were “consolidating democracy and sovereignty” – albeit in a
country that was torn apart by US-induced sectarian fratricide and
subordinated to foreign oil companies.
All
these baseless claims, pretexts and allegations have been faithfully
parroted by the mainstream media. And so the Western war and lie machine
trundles on, conjuring new pretexts for smashing its way into the next
countries to commit yet more atrocities and crimes against humanity in
its conquest of natural resources.
The
significance of Iraq is the heinous precedent that it set. Here,
Washington and its Western allies transgressed international law in the
most blatant, criminal manner to commit genocide. Yet not only Western
mainstream journalism, but also academia, the legal profession and other
sectors of civic society gave cover to such crime, or at best failed to
hold the perpetrators to account. And, as criminologists will testify,
when a criminal gets away with crime, then there is nothing to hold him
from committing further crime. The ongoing criminal US-led occupation of
Iraq and Afghanistan, the murderous mass bombing of Libya by NATO, the
clandestine Western-backed terrorism against Syria, America’s drone
assassinations in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia and elsewhere in Africa, and
Washington’s swivel-eyed threats towards China and Russia are all proof
that America’s global war of aggression has become the perverse new
normal. Western mainstream media has indeed much to answer for in its
complicity in global militarism and concomitant crimes.
The
reality check of how criminally deranged the US-led Western powers have
become is their ongoing aggression towards Iran. Less than a decade
after launching genocide on Iraq based on an outrageous fabrication of
weapons of mass destruction, the same criminal powers are repeating the
same calumnies against Iran with “no options off the table” threats that
allude to pre-emptive nuclear attack. And the Western mainstream media
that aided and abetted the genocide in Iraq are once again giving
credence to the calumny over Iran.
This
is the descent into barbarism that happens when victors violate history
and are not held to account. We are then condemned to repeat history,
no matter how barbaric and crass that repetition is.
This
Interactive Book from Global Research is an attempt to set the
historical record straight with a truthful perspective. By arming people
with the truth, we may then stop the criminal repetition of history
because, armed with the truth, we hope that Western publics in
particular will begin to hold their war-mongering governments to account
in the most rigorous way.
Michel Chossudovsky and Finian Cunningham, May 26, 2012
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